ftofficer|张聪的blog

今天的消息，曾经获得15次美国艾美奖的记录片名导约翰-爱尔伯特(Jon Alpert)与助理马修-欧尼尔(Matthew O’Neill)拍摄的反映四川5.12地震的纪录短片《劫后天府泪纵横》入围奥斯卡最佳纪录短片奖提名。当然了，这个消息在国内一定是不起眼找不到的。即使是三大门户唯一列出完整提名列表的搜狐，其中也只有一部没有中文名字的《China’s Unnatural Disaster》的电影，其他的门户，则干脆没有了。（最近更新：搜狐的也404了）。可以相信，大家今年不要指望能够看到现场直播的奥斯卡颁奖了，如果能够看到，中间有一段也一定会是信号中断的。

我一直觉得，这部被翻译成《劫后天府泪纵横》的电影，其英文主标题其实更有味道：Natural Disaster叫做天灾，那么Unnatural Disaster叫什么呢？也许直白地翻译成《中国人祸》更加合适。

先不写影评，有兴趣的可以下下来看看。

ED2K | BT | 本blog缓存版

Google今天在官方blog上面发布了一篇文章《重新考虑在中国的做法》，鉴于很多人无法看到文章原文，转载如下。互联网上很多人已经翻译了这篇文章，来自hirchina.org的翻译更为专业和准确，在这里同步转载。中文和英文将使用对照方式排列，以方便阅读。

A new approach to China
谷歌声明：重新考虑在中国的做法

Like many other well-known organizations, we face cyber attacks of varying degrees on a regular basis. In mid-December, we detected a highly sophisticated and targeted attack on our corporate infrastructure originating from China that resulted in the theft of intellectual property from Google. However, it soon became clear that what at first appeared to be solely a security incident–albeit a significant one–was something quite different.

象许多其它着名的组织一样，我们经常面临不同程度的网络攻击。12月中旬，我们监测到一起针对我们公司基础设施的非常复杂且具高度针对性的攻击。这一攻击来自中国，并导致谷歌知识产权被窃。尽管最初在表面上这只是一起单纯的安全事件，但很快就表明这显然是一起严重的事件。

First, this attack was not just on Google. As part of our investigation we have discovered that at least twenty other large companies from a wide range of businesses–including the Internet, finance, technology, media and chemical sectors–have been similarly targeted. We are currently in the process of notifying those companies, and we are also working with the relevant U.S. authorities.

首先，这次攻击不仅是针对谷歌。作为我们调查的一部分，我们发现，至少有其它20家涉及许多行业领域的大公司，包括互联网、金融、技术、媒体和化工等，也成为类似的攻击对象。我们目前正通知这些公司，并与美国有关当局合作。

Second, we have evidence to suggest that a primary goal of the attackers was accessing the Gmail accounts of Chinese human rights activists. Based on our investigation to date we believe their attack did not achieve that objective. Only two Gmail accounts appear to have been accessed, and that activity was limited to account information (such as the date the account was created) and subject line, rather than the content of emails themselves.

第二，我们有证据表明，攻击者的主要目标是中国从事人权活动人士的Gmail帐户。根据我们最新的调查，我们相信他们的攻击目标并未实现。只有两个Gmail帐户被侵入，但仅限於帐户信息（如帐户创建日期）和邮件主题，并没有进入邮件内容。

Third, as part of this investigation but independent of the attack on Google, we have discovered that the accounts of dozens of U.S.-, China- and Europe-based Gmail users who are advocates of human rights in China appear to have been routinely accessed by third parties. These accounts have not been accessed through any security breach at Google, but most likely via phishing scams or malware placed on the users’ computers.

第 三，作为这项调查的一部分（并不仅限於对攻击谷歌的调查），我们发现几十个在中国从事人权活动的Gmail用户，其账户设在美国、中国和欧洲，显 示出经常被第三方侵入。这些账户不是由於谷歌的安全漏洞而被侵入的，而最有可能的是通过网络诈骗或安装在用户电脑上的恶意软件所为。

We have already used information gained from this attack to make infrastructure and architectural improvements that enhance security for Google and for our users. In terms of individual users, we would advise people to deploy reputable anti-virus and anti-spyware programs on their computers, to install patches for their operating systems and to update their web browsers. Always be cautious when clicking on links appearing in instant messages and emails, or when asked to share personal information like passwords online. You can read more here about our cyber-security recommendations. People wanting to learn more about these kinds of attacks can read this U.S. government report (PDF), Nart Villeneuve’s blog and this presentation on the GhostNet spying incident.

我们 已经使用从攻击得到的信息去改善谷歌的基础设施和架构，提高谷歌自身和用户的安全性。在个人用户方面，我们建议在电脑上安装可靠的反病毒和反间 谍软件程序，为操作系统安装补丁，并更新网络浏览器。在点击即时信息和电子邮件中的链接时，或在网上被要求分享个人信息如密码时，一定要格外小心。你可以 点击这里，阅读更多关於我们的网络安全的建议。有兴趣了解这类黑客攻击的人们可以阅读美国政府的报告（PDF格式），纳尔特・维伦纽夫的博客（Nart Villeneuve’s blog）和对GhostNet间谍事件的介绍。

We have taken the unusual step of sharing information about these attacks with a broad audience not just because of the security and human rights implications of what we have unearthed, but also because this information goes to the heart of a much bigger global debate about freedom of speech. In the last two decades, China’s economic reform programs and its citizens’ entrepreneurial flair have lifted hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. Indeed, this great nation is at the heart of much economic progress and development in the world today.

对这些攻击，我们已采取了非常措施来与广大读者分享信息，这 不只是因为我们发现其对安全和人权的影响，还因为这些信息与一个更大的关於言论自由的全 球性辩论的核心相联系。在过去20年里，中国的经济改革计划和其公民的创业精神已经使亿万中国人脱离了贫困。事实上，这个伟大的国家，正处於当今世界许多 经济进步和发展的中心。

We launched Google.cn in January 2006 in the belief that the benefits of increased access to information for people in China and a more open Internet outweighed our discomfort in agreeing to censor some results. At the time we made clear that “we will carefully monitor conditions in China, including new laws and other restrictions on our services. If we determine that we are unable to achieve the objectives outlined we will not hesitate to reconsider our approach to China.”

2006年我们推出谷歌中国，就是基於这样的信念，让中国人民获得更多信息渠道的好处以及一个更为开放的互联网， 这比我们当初并不愉快地同意过滤搜 索结果更为重要。当时我们说得很清楚：“我们将仔细监督在中国运营的环境，包括新的法律和其它对我们提供服务的限制。如果确定我们不能达到预定的目标，我 们将会毫不犹豫地重新考虑我们在中国的做法。”

These attacks and the surveillance they have uncovered–combined with the attempts over the past year to further limit free speech on the web–have led us to conclude that we should review the feasibility of our business operations in China. We have decided we are no longer willing to continue censoring our results on Google.cn, and so over the next few weeks we will be discussing with the Chinese government the basis on which we could operate an unfiltered search engine within the law, if at all. We recognize that this may well mean having to shut down Google.cn, and potentially our offices in China.

这些攻击和监视—结合着去年进一步对网络言论自由的限制—已经使我们得出结论，我们应该审 视我们在中国商业运作的可行性。我们已决定，我们将不会再继续过滤我们在谷歌中国上的搜索结果，未来几个星期我们将同中国政府讨论我们在法律范围内是否有可能进行不经过滤的搜索引擎运作的基础。我们知道这可能意味着必须关闭谷歌中国，甚至是我们在中国的机构。

The decision to review our business operations in China has been incredibly hard, and we know that it will have potentially far-reaching consequences. We want to make clear that this move was driven by our executives in the United States, without the knowledge or involvement of our employees in China who have worked incredibly hard to make Google.cn the success it is today. We are committed to working responsibly to resolve the very difficult issues raised.

做出审议我们在中国商业运作的决定是非常困难的，我们知道，这可能会产生深远的后果。我们希望明确一点，这一决定是我们在美国的主管做出的，我们在中国的雇员并不了解或介入其中，他们的极其努力的工作才使谷歌中国有了今天的成功。我们保证通过负责任的工作来解决出现的非常困难的问题。

Posted by David Drummond, SVP, Corporate Development and Chief Legal Officer
谷歌高级副总裁、公司发展和法律主管  大卫.德鲁蒙德
2010年1月12日

作为李开复在华工作的大部分的google.cn从一开始就备受争议，Googel总部不允许其和Google在美国的个人数据服务对接，也不允许 将个人数据放在中国。因此Google中国自有的服务一直只是一个搜索而已， 作为Google新的增长点的邮件服务 (GMail)、托管服务 (Google Apps)、云计算平台 (Google AppEngine)、数据存储服务，以及建构其上Android手机和网络操作系统Chrome OS，事实上都在中国无法落地。而Google中国的产品，更多的是合作，这与Google全球策略也无法一致。这样的Google，大家都很不愉快，不 要也罢。

但是Google这篇措辞强硬的文章无疑在对中国政府的言论审查制度表示抗议，也是为了告诉政府，继续收紧的网络言论将对跨国公司的商业运作和中国未来的前景带来怎样的影响。不知道政府会怎么想，不知道在被虚假的GDP、金融危机中西方对中国的恭维和地方政府的粉饰太平冲昏了头脑的中央政府能不能清楚认识到跨国公司对中国经济意味着什么，是不是真的以为，以房地产开发商为中坚的中国经济可以独立于国际经济圈存在。促成此事向好的方向发展的唯一途径是中国政府对Google作出让步，但是就目前政府部门的短视无知、狂妄自大和死要面子来看，这条路是显然走不通的。更甚的是，未来Google国际版直接被墙，都是可能的。

行走江湖，靠的是多交朋友，而不是四处交恶。靠现在别人的困难而盛气凌人不可一世暴发户态度，只会让自己更加孤立。别人求你一时，不会求你一世。每日剑拔弩张的盯着门外和门内，是不会有朋友主动送上门来的。只要松开握紧的拳头，摆出开放的姿态，别人也会伸出友好之手。

长痛不如短痛，但愿Google能带动更多的跨国公司，为大家都营造一个更好的环境。

继续上一篇，有人提出，我在这个例子当中关于公园和小偷的比喻不恰当。确实是不太恰当，因为信息产业相关的东西，想要实体化总是会很难找到完全相似的比喻的。所以我觉得有必要再写直白一点。

先引用一下前面的朋友的评论：

其实我觉得你的比方不恰当，关键在于是否可以标识出小偷：公园的例子不合理在小偷和普通人是混在一起无法标识的；而互联网服务商中的情况则不同，在完全可 以认定并确定是谁的情况下，是应该对违法者[至于那个使用服务的违法用户违反的法律合理与否暂且不讨论]采取删除等措施，因为你是在这个国度，在没有能力 不遵守游戏规则的前提下还是必须要“依法行事”的。

其实我的本意不是在识别小偷这个地方，互联网服务本上就导致识别身份不是问题。我主要关心的是给你一个人，确定其侵权指控是否成立的问题。偷东西这个比喻的问题是，它太好界定了，偷了就是偷了，没偷就是没偷。而侵权，尤其是侵犯了隐私权这个问题就不好界定了。一个网络服务提供者是否有能力认定一篇文章或者一个帖子侵犯了其他人的权利？比如说，我的个人资料在blog上面是有的，别人贴到了其他网站上，这个算不算侵犯了我的隐私权？你我都说不清楚，同样的网络服务提供者也说不清楚，因为《侵权法》没有规定。法律将这个没有明确判断标准的东西施加给不具有司法权力的网络服务提供者，其实是有问题的，服务提供者为了防止潜在的连带责任，会倾向于认定侵权成立，会造成侵权认定的扩大化，损害信息发布者的权利。

另一个问题就是，服务供应商需要确保所有在其平台上发表的信息都是经过审查的，因为有第三款。预先审查对于服务提供商是个巨大的成本，而且具有极大的不确定性。这也是我在公园这个比喻当中主要要说的问题：新法律的实施，将使得网络服务提供者的门槛大大升高，甚至挤死正在成长的网络服务。当然了，这个说不定就是法律制定者的目的所在。

最后一个问题就是《侵权法》没有规定服务提供商错误认定的情况下的措施，其实是默认了服务提供商错误认定的免责，同样很容易造成侵权认定的扩大化，因为服务提供者删文断网是没有风险的，这样对于信息发布者和网络使用者都是不利的。

这也是我旗帜鲜明的反对这条法律的原因。而且我并不赞成你我没有能力改变这个情况，因为这些“没有法律规定的”区域，通常是留给最高法院进行司法解释的。司法解释通常在司法过程当中积累经验，因此我考虑人大常委会其实对于错误认定的情况没有定论，因此将这个问题推迟到司法解释进行，先看看大家的反应如何。我们能做的就是在我们作为信息发布者和网络用户的权利受到服务提供商认定扩大化侵犯的时候，使用《侵权法》本身对该问题提出质疑，声音多了，司法解释自然也就出台了。这种时候就是会哭的孩子有奶吃。虽然我们的政府做事非常独断，但是对于影响经济发展的问题还是可以有讨论空间的，因此我们不必非常悲观，能做多少做多少。

我家门口有一个公园，不收门票的，人们可以在这里聊天碰头谈恋爱，该公园提供椅子、草坪、游乐场等服务，有的免费，有的要收费，人们在这里玩耍聊天增进感情，公园在一些位置上安放广告来盈利，虽然偶尔传出有人被偷钱包了，但是有公安局和派出所，所以大家并不担心。一切都很和谐。

某一天，这个地区的一些官员在这个公园被人偷了，于是说，我们要保护大家不被偷，因此颁布了一条规定，要求公园必须设立一个办公室，如果有人冲进去该办公室，说我被一个人偷了，我口袋里有他留下的指纹，那么公园方面有义务立即从大批人群当中找到该小偷，并且立即将其赶出公园，否则如果这个人再被偷，或者再有人被偷，公园将承担连带责任。

而且，法律还规定，如果公园知道有人会被偷，还放小偷进来，也需要承担连带责任。

你觉得，这个规定是否合理？

按照常识，我觉得不合理。因为第一，偷东西的是小偷的行为，公园没什么责任，因为在其他地方也可能被偷，而且被偷的人只要去报警就行了，公园可能需要合作提供大门口的监控录像之类，但是出了事不应该去找公园。

第二，公园没有不应该判断一个人是不是小偷，而且他也没有这个能力，这些是司法机关应该做的事情，不是一个公园有能力做的。

第三，公园在没有能力判断冲进办公室的人说的是否是真话，因此可能把无辜者赶出公园。被说成是小偷的人可能说那个冲进办公室的人诬告，公园不知道谁说的是真的，也不应该由公园判断。

第四，公园听信一个人说的话，把一个无辜者赶出了公园，这个无辜者后来被证明是被诬陷的，那么公园是不是应该为他被赶出公园赔偿？很遗憾，法律没规定，因此公园说我们不赔偿，而且以后，不管什么人，只要进来说我被偷了，然后指着一个人说是他偷的，这个人就会被毫无代价的赶出公园。

因此，这条法律，完全违背了常识，试图让一个公园担当公安局应该做的事情。最后的结果，很可能是大家都不去这个公园，或者是大家都去了剧院，因为剧院不受该法律管辖。公园会越来越难经营，然后倒闭，然后公园被推平，开始建造天价商品房。

如果你看明白了我说的这个故事，那么看看现实生活当中的事情：

昨天（2009年12月26日）胡锦涛签署了第21号主席令，《中华人民共和国侵权责任法》将于2010年7月1日起施行。我们的胡核心在周末还在加班工作，不知道有没有加班工资。看看其中的第36条，又称互联网专条，提出了关于互联网服务处提供者在侵权案件当中的责任认定。

第三十六条 网络用户、网络服务提供者利用网络侵害他人民事权益的，应当承担侵权责任。

网络用户利用网络服务实施侵权行为的，被侵权人有权通知网络服务提供者采取删除、 屏蔽、断开链接等必要措施。网络服务提供者接到通知后未及时采取必要措施的，对损害的扩大部分与该网络用户承担连带责任。

网络服务提供者知道网络用户利用其网络服务侵害他人民事权益，未采取必要措施的， 与该网络用户承担连带责任。

可怜的网络服务提供者们。

以前一直认为，文章啥的，至少要被转载或链接个几百次，访问量至少要达到数万才能算有点影响力吧，怎么也要到10万才能算广为浏览吧。不过今天看到的北京市第一中级人民法院列出的几个数字彻底颠覆了我的看法。人民法院诶，他们给出的可是具有法律效力的关于“广为浏览”的认定哦。

列一下：

• 文章1：2005å¹´10月4日发表，截至2008å¹´12月23日，被链接5次。
• 文章2：2006å¹´1月5日发表，截至2008å¹´12月23日，被链接5次，总点击量402次。
• 文章3：2006å¹´2月26日发表，截至2008å¹´12月23日，被链接5次，总点击量748次
• 文章4：2006å¹´3月13日发表，截至2008å¹´12月23日，被链接6次，总点击量512次
• 文章5：2006å¹´5月7日发表，截至2008å¹´12月23日，被链接7次，总点击量57次。
• 文章6：2007å¹´8月1日发表，截至2008å¹´12月23日，被链接8次，总点击量488次。
• 文章7：2008å¹´12月9日发表，截至2008å¹´12月12日，被链接33次，总点击量5154次。

就算按照其中最高的要求，鄙博客几篇文章也早就被广为浏览了。

好奇心重的同志们，请自行Google其中提到的数字。

来自: http://jianchengdaizi.blog.sohu.com/136426926.html

估计被和谐就是时间问题。

背景知识：

2009年11月3日，德国总理默克尔在美国国会作了题为《我们没有时间失败》的演讲，国会全体议员在演讲中多次起立为她的演讲鼓掌。同日，新华社的新闻，演讲内容变成了《 德国总理呼吁为保护自然环境开展国际合作》，演讲内容变为以下简短的三段内容 （参见这里）：

新华网华盛顿１１月３日电（记者赵毅　蒋国鹏）德国总理默克尔３日在美国国会发表演讲，呼吁国际社会采取一致行动，消除气候变暖给人类造成的危害。

默克尔在讲话中表示希望通过１２月在哥本哈根举行的联合国气候变化会议，能够为实现地球温度的上升不超过２摄氏度这样一个目标而达成共识。她强调，保护人类生存环境的机会不容错过。克服全球性挑战只能通过国际社会的合作才能实现。

默克尔在演讲中还呼吁世界各国共同打击国际恐怖主义和极端势力。她表示，德国准备在国际反恐领域承担自己的责任。

默克尔究竟讲了些什么呢？这里是演讲全文。汉语翻译只有前面部分，后面的大多谈到的德国的政策，没有翻译。

We Have No Time To Lose
我们没有时间失败

Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Distinguished Members of Congress,

议长女士，副总统先生，尊敬的议员，

I would like to thank you for the great honor and privilege to address you today, shortly before the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall.I am the second German Chancellor on whom this honor has been bestowed. The first was Konrad Adenauer when he addressed both Houses of Congress in 1957, albeit one after the other.Our lives could not have been more different. In 1957 I was just a small child of three years. I lived with my parents in Brandenburg, a region that belonged to the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the part of Germany that was not free. My father was a Protestant pastor. My mother, who had studied English and Latin to become a teacher, was not allowed to work in her chosen profession in the GDR.

今天，在柏林墙倒塌20周年的前夕，我要感谢你们给我的巨大荣殊荣对你们演讲。我是第二个获此殊荣的德国总理。第一位是克拉得-阿登诺，他在1957年先后对参众两院发表演讲。我们的命运大不一样。1957年我只是一个三岁的小孩，和我的父母住在布兰登堡，这是一个属于民主德国的地区，也是德国没有自由的那部分。我父亲是一个新教牧师。我妈妈学习过英语和拉丁语，好作一名教师，却不获允许在民主德国从事她选择的职业。

In 1957 Konrad Adenauer was already 81 years old. He had lived through the German Empire, the First World War, the Weimar Republic and the Second World War. The National Socialists ousted him from his position as mayor of the city of Cologne. After the war, he was among the men and women who helped build up the free, democratic Federal Republic of Germany.

1957年，阿登那总理已经81岁。他经历过德意志帝国，第一次世界大战，威玛共和国，和第二次世界大战。国家社会主义党把他从科龙市长的位置赶走。战后，他和所有人一起帮助建立一个自由、民主的联邦德国。

Nothing is more symbolic of the Federal Republic of Germany than its constitution, the Basic Law, or “Grundgesetz”. It was adopted exactly 60 years ago. Article 1 of the Grundgesetz proclaims, and I quote, “Human dignity shall be inviolable”. This short, simple sentence – “Human dignity shall be inviolable” – was the answer to the catastrophe that was the Second World War, to the murder of six million Jews in the Holocaust, to the hate, destruction and annihilation that Germany brought upon Europe and the world.

没有什么比联邦德国宪法更有标志性了，就是基本法，或者“Grundgesetz（宪法）”。宪法采用刚好60年。宪法第一章宣称，我引用，“人的尊严不可侵犯”。 这个简短的句子–“人的尊严不可侵犯” — 解答了德国带给欧洲和世界的二战灾难，对600万犹太人的大屠杀，仇恨，破坏和灭绝。

November 9th is just a few days away. It was on November 9, 1989 that the Berlin Wall fell and it was also on November 9 in 1938 that an indelible mark was branded into Germany’s memory and Europe’s history. On that day the National Socialists destroyed synagogues, setting them on fire, and murdered countless people. It was the beginning of what led to the break with civilization, the Shoah. I cannot stand before you today without remembering the victims of this day and of the Shoah.

11月9好只有几天了。正是1989年11 月9号， 柏林墙倒下，也正是1938年 11 月 9号，成为德国记忆和欧洲历史不可磨灭的一个标志。在那一天，纳粹破坏教堂，并付之一炬，杀害无数的人。那一天是文明破碎的开端，是大灾难。我站在你们面前，不能不回忆起那一天和大灾难中的受害者。

And I cannot stand before you today without mentioning how grateful I am for the presence of one guest, who personally experienced the horror of National Socialism in Germany and whom I recently met personally: Professor Fritz Stern.

站在你们面前，我也不能不提对作为贵宾的Fritz Stern教授的感激，他经历过德国纳粹的恐怖，我最近刚与他见过面。

He was born in 1926 in what was then the German city of Breslau and today is the Polish city of Wroclaw. He and his family were able to escape the Nazi regime in 1938 and flee to the United States. In his autobiography, published in 2006 under the title “Five Germanys I Have Known”, Fritz Stern describes the moment of his arrival in New York’s harbor in 1938, a haven of freedom and security.

他生于1926年的德国城市不乐斯洛，现在的波兰城市容克罗。他和他的家人在1938年逃出纳粹政权到了美国。他的自传《我所知道的五个德国》在2006年出版，Fritz Stern描述了他在1938年抵达纽约港的时刻，一个自由与安全的天堂。

Ladies and gentlemen, it is wonderful that history willed that we should both – the twelve-year-old boy who was driven out of Germany and me, the Chancellor of reunited Germany who was born in the GDR – be here in this distinguished House. This fills me with great joy and deep gratitude.

女士们先生们，是历史的安排，我们两人–一个20岁被赶出的德国的小伙子，和我，一个出生在民主德国，统一后的德国的总理– 现在在这令人尊敬的国会。这让我满怀巨大的喜悦和深深的感激。

Not even in my wildest dreams could I have imagined, twenty years ago before the Wall fell, that this would happen. It was beyond imagination then to even think about traveling to the United States of America let alone standing here today.

在柏林墙倒下的20年前，即使最大胆的想象，我也想不到发生这些事情。甚至到美国旅行都超出我的想象，更不用说今天站在这里。

The land of unlimited opportunity – for a long time it was impossible for me to reach. The Wall, barbed wire and the order to shoot those who tried to leave limited my access to the free world. So I had to create my own picture of the United States from films and books, some of which were smuggled in from the West by relatives. What did I see and what did I read? What was I passionate about?

一个有无限机会的的国家–我长久以来不可能到达的地方。带着铁蒺藜柏林墙，那些向任何尝试离开使我接触自由世界的限制命令。 我不得不自己电影和书籍里想象美国的图像，这些电影书籍都是从西柏林通过亲戚悄悄带过去的。我看到了什么？我读到了什么？我渴望什么？

I was passionate about the American dream – the opportunity for everyone to be successful, to make it in life through their own personal effort.

我渴望美国梦–让每一个人成功的机会，通过每个人的个人努力而得以实现。

I, like many other teenagers, was passionate about a certain brand of jeans that were not available in the GDR and which my aunt in West Germany regularly sent to me.

我，像许多年轻人一样，非常喜欢在民主德国没有的某个牌子的牛仔裤，我在西德的姑姑定期给我。

I was passionate about the vast American landscape which seemed to breathe the very spirit of freedom and independence. Immediately in 1990 my husband and I traveled for the first time in our lives to America, to California. We will never forget our first glimpse of the Pacific Ocean. It was simply gorgeous.

我渴望美国的疆界，那里好像呼吸着自由与独立精神气息。1990年初，我丈夫和我平生第一次访问了美国的加州。我们永远不会忘记看到太平洋的第一眼。太美了。

I was passionate about all of these things and much more, even though until 1989 America was simply out of reach for me. And then, on November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall came down. The border that for decades had divided a nation into two worlds was now open.

我渴望所有这些事情，甚至更多，但一直到1989年之前，美国对我远不可及。接着，1989年11 月9日，柏林墙倒下，把一个国家分离成两个世界几十年的边界打开了。

And that is why for me today is, first of all, the time to say thank you.

这就是为什么今天我能够站在这里的原因。首先，我感谢你们。

I thank the American and Allied pilots who heard and heeded the desperate call of Berlin’s mayor Ernst Reuter as he said “People of the world, … look upon this city.”

For months, these pilots delivered food by airlift and saved Berlin from starvation. Many of these soldiers risked their lives doing this. Dozens lost their lives. We will remember and honor them forever.

我感谢美国和同盟国飞行员们，他们听到和关注过绝望的柏林市长恩斯特-的呼救”全世界的人们……..看顾这个城市。” 数月间，这些飞行员们空运食物，拯救了饥饿的柏林。许多飞行员冒着生民危险做这件事，几十个飞行员牺牲了。我们永远铭记和荣耀他们。

I thank the 16 million Americans who have been stationed in Germany over the past decades. Without their support as soldiers, diplomats and generally as facilitators it never would have been possible to overcome the division of Europe. We are happy to have American soldiers in Germany, today and in the future. They are ambassadors of their country in our country, just as many Americans with German roots today act as ambassadors of my country here.

感谢过去几十年，1千6百万曾经驻扎在德国的美国人，没有他们这些士兵，外交官和所有工作人员，永远不可能克服欧洲的分裂。我们很高兴美国士兵驻扎德国，今天直到未来。他们是他们国家在我国的大使，就像许多有德国血统的美国人一样，是我国在这里的大使。

I think of John F. Kennedy, who won the hearts of despairing Berliners during his 1963 visit after the construction of the Berlin Wall when he called out to them: “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

Ronald Reagan far earlier than others saw and recognized the sign of the times when, standing before the Brandenburg Gate in 1987, he demanded: “Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate … Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.” This appeal is something that will never be forgotten.

我想到约翰-肯尼迪，他在1963年柏林墙树立起来后访问柏林，赢得了绝望的柏林人的心，他对他们大声说：“Ich bin ein Berliner.”（ 我是柏林人）。 罗纳德-里根比别人更早看到和意识到时代的启示。1987年他站在布兰登堡大门口，他呼求：“ 戈尔巴乔夫先生，打开这道门吧…戈尔巴乔夫先生，推到这堵墙吧。 ” 这是永远不会被忘记的召唤。

I thank George Herbert Walker Bush for placing his trust in Germany and then Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl and presenting us Germans with an offer of immeasurable value in May 1989: “Partnership in leadership.” What a generous offer, 40 years after the end of World War II. Just last Saturday we saw each other again in Berlin, along with Mikhail Gorbachev. We also owe him a debt of gratitude.

感谢布什对德国和当时的联邦总理科尔的信任，并在1989年5月给我们德国人一个无法估量的应许：“领导伙伴。” 二战结束40年后的一个多么慷慨的应许。 就在上周六，我们在柏林又见了面，米哈伊尔-格尔巴乔夫也在。我们也欠他一个感激的债。

Ladies and gentlemen, to sum it up in one sentence: I know, we Germans know, how much we owe to you, our American friends. We as a nation, and I personally, will never forget that.

女士们，先生们，一句话：我知道，我们德国人知道，我们欠你们很多，我们的美国朋友。我们最为一个国家，和我个人，永远不会忘记。

All over Europe the common quest for freedom released an incredible power: in the trade union Solidarno in Poland, amongst the reformers surrounding Václav Havel in Czechoslovakia, at the first opening of the Iron Curtain in Hungary and at the demonstrations that took place every Monday in the GDR.

全欧洲对自由的普遍追求释放了不可估量的力量：在波兰的Soldarno的贸易联盟，在捷克斯洛伐克围绕在瓦克拉夫 哈维尔周围的改革者们，在第一个打开铁幕的匈牙利，在民主德国每周一举行的示威人群。

Where there was once only a dark wall, a door suddenly opened and we all walked through it: onto the streets, into the churches, across the borders. Everyone was given the chance to build something new, to make a difference, to venture a new beginning.

曾经只有一堵幽暗的墙的地方，一道门突然打开，我们都走过去了:走上大街，走进教堂，穿越边界。每个人都有机会建设新的事物，创造不同，开始新的冒险。

I also started anew. I left my job as a physicist at the Academy of Sciences in East Berlin behind me and went into politics. Because I finally had the chance to make a difference. Because I had the impression that now it was possible to change things. It was possible for me to do something.

我开始了新生活，我离开了我在东柏林科学院的物理学家的工作，踏入政治生涯。因为我最后有了机会创造不同，因为我有印象，现在可能改变一些事情，我有可能做一些事情了。

Ladies and gentlemen, twenty years have passed since we were given this incredible gift of freedom. But there is still nothing that inspires me more, nothing that spurns me on more, nothing that fills me more with positive feelings than the power of freedom.

女士们先生们，20年过去了，我们获得难以置信的自由的礼物。但是没有比自由更能用积极的感情鼓舞我，激励我，充满我。

A person who has experienced such a positive surprise in life believes that much is possible. Or, to put it in the words of Bill Clinton in Berlin in 1994: “Nothing will stop us. All things are possible.”

一个经历过生命中这样积极的惊喜的人，相信有更多的可能性。或者，用比尔-克林顿在1994年，在柏林的话说：“ 没有什么可以阻挡我们，一切皆有可能 。”

Yes, all things are possible. Like the fact that a woman like me can stand before you today. That a man like Arnold Vaatz, who spent time in prison because he was a dissident during the GDR regime in Dresden, can be here today as a Member of the German Bundestag and of my delegation.

是的，一切皆有可能。就像像我这样一个女人今天能够站在你们面前一样的事实，就像阿诺德-瓦兹那样的男人，他在民主德国政权的Dresden监狱里呆过，因为他是一个不同政见者，但他今天也在这里，作为德国议会代表，我的代表团成员。

All things are possible, also in the 21 st century, in the age of globalization. We back home in Germany know just as well as you do in America that many people are afraid of globalization. We do not just brush these concerns aside. We recognize the difficulties. And yet it is our duty to convince people that globalization is an immense global opportunity, for each and every continent, because it forces us to act together with others. The alternative to globalization would be shutting ourselves off from others, but this is not a viable alternative. It would lead only to isolation and therefore misery. Thinking in terms of alliances and partnerships on the other hand, is what will take us into a good future.

一切皆有可能，即使在21世纪，在全球化的时代。在德国，我们知道，就像你们美国人所知道的那样，许多人害怕全球化。我们不会把担忧置之一旁。我们意识到了困难。我们有责任去说服人民，全球化是每一大洲的巨大的全球性机会，因为它迫使我们一起行动。非全球化会把我们与别人分割开，因而不是可行的选项，那会导致孤立，乃至苦难。相反，以同盟和伙伴的角度来思考则会把我们引向美好未来。

Ladies and gentlemen, it is true that America and Europe have had their share of disagreements. One may feel the other is sometimes too hesitant and fearful, or from the opposite perspective, too headstrong and pushy. And nevertheless, I am deeply convinced that there is no better partner for Europe than America and no better partner for America than Europe.

女士们先生们，美国与欧洲有不同意见，这是现实。人们可以感受到别人在某些时候过度犹豫和害怕，或者从反面角度看，过度刚愎自用和莽撞。但是无论如何，我深深地感到，欧洲没有比美国更好的合作伙伴，美国也没有比欧洲更好的伙伴。

Because what brings Europeans and Americans together and keeps them together is not just a shared history. What brings and keeps Europeans and Americans together are not just shared interests and the common global challenges that all regions of the world face. That alone would not be sufficient to explain the very special partnership between Europe and America and make it last. It is more than that. That which brings Europeans and Americans closer together and keeps them close is a common basis of shared values. It is a common idea of the individual and his inviolable dignity. It is a common understanding of freedom in responsibility. This is what we stand for in the unique transatlantic partnership and in the community of shared values that is NATO. This is what fills “Partnership in Leadership” with life, ladies and gentlemen.

This basis of values was what ended the Cold War, and it is this basis of values that will enable us to stand the tests of our times- and these tests we must stand.

因为把欧洲和美国带到一起并连系在一起的不只是共同的历史，也不仅仅是共同的利益，而是共同面对的全球挑战—全世界都遇到的挑战。这还不够解释欧洲与美国之间的特殊关系，和为什么这种关系能够持续。有更多的原因。把欧美紧密联系和保持紧密联系的是共同价值基础。个人以及个人不受侵犯是普遍理念，是对自由与责任的普遍理解。这是我们所代表的独特的穿越大西洋的伙伴关系，是北大西洋公约组织的共同价值。这就是”领导伙伴关系”的实质，女士们先生们。这个价值基础结束了冷战，是我们经受我们时代考验的价值基础， 而我们必须经受得起这些考验。

Germany is united, Europe is united. That is what we have achieved. Now, today, our political generation must prove that it is able to meet the challenges of the 21 st century, and that in a sense it is able to tear down today’s walls.

德国统一了，欧洲统一了。这是我们已取得的成就。现在，今天，我们政治家必须证明能迎接21世界的挑战，有能力推到今天各种的墙。

What does that mean? First it means building peace and security, second, achieving prosperity and justice, and third, protecting our planet. Here, too, America and Europe are called upon in a very special way.

这是什么意思？ 首先，意味着建立和平与安全；其次，实现繁荣和正义；最后，保护地球。这里，美国和欧洲被以特别的方式召唤出来。

Even after the end of the Cold War we are thus faced with the task of tearing down the walls between different concepts of life, in other words the walls in people’s minds that make it difficult time and again to understand one another in this world of ours. This is why the ability to show tolerance is so important. While, for us, our way of life is the best possible way, others do not necessarily feel that way. There are different ways to create peaceful coexistence. Tolerance means showing respect for other people’s history, traditions, religion and cultural identity.

即使在冷战后，我们面对着推到不同生活观念只记得的阻隔，换句话说，人们从心底很难在我们的这个世界里互相沟通。这就是为什么宽容如此重要。对我们而言，我们的生活方式是最好的方式，对别人而言，他们不一定有那样的感受。有不同的方式创造和平共存。宽容意味着尊重其他人的历史，传统，信仰和文化认同。

But let there be no misunderstanding: Tolerance does not mean “anything goes”. There must be zero tolerance towards all those who show no respect for the inalienable rights of the individual and who violate human rights. Zero tolerance must also be shown if, for example, weapons of mass destruction fall into the hands of Iran and possibly threaten our security!

但是不要误会：宽容不是“随他去”的意思。对那些不尊重个人不可剥夺的权利，侵犯人权，必须零忍耐！ 在一定条件之下，零忍耐必须彰显，比如，大规模杀伤武器落入伊朗，可能危及我们的安全！

Iran must be aware of this. Iran knows our offer, but Iran also knows where we draw the line: A nuclear bomb in the hands of an Iranian President who denies the Holocaust, threatens Israel and denies Israel the right to exist, is not acceptable!

伊朗必须意识到这一点。伊朗知道我们的应许，但是伊朗也知道我们的底线：否认大屠杀，威胁了以色列，否认以色列的生存的伊朗总统手里的原子弹，是无法被接受的！

For me, Israel’s security will never be open to negotiation. Not only Israel is threatened but the entire free world. Whoever threatens Israel also threatens us! This is why the free world meets this threat headon, if necessary with tough economic sanctions. Ladies and gentlemen, Germany will therefore provide staunch support to the peace process with the aim of realizing a twostate solution, a Jewish State of Israel and a Palestinian state.

对我而言，以色列的安全永远不可谈判。不但夜色列被威胁，整个自由世界也被威胁。谁威胁以色列也在威胁我们！这就是为什么自由世界要面对这个令人头疼的威胁，如有必要，必须有严厉的经济制裁。女士们先生们，德国因此将坚决提供支持旨在实现犹太国家和巴勒斯坦国家的两国方案的和平进程。

We also stand up to the threat of international terrorism. We are aware that no country, no matter how strong, can do this alone. We all need partners. We are only strong if we are part of a community of partners.

我们还要抵御国际恐怖主义。我们意识到无论哪个国家，无论国家多么强大，不能单独抵御威胁。我们都需要伙伴，我们只有成为伙伴中的一员，我们就会强大。

Since we shared the view of the then President George W. Bush, after 9/11, that we had to do everything we could to prevent Afghanistan from ever again harboring a threat to security, Germany has since 2002 been present on the ground with the third-largest troop contingent. We want to make the concept of networked security successful. This means that civilian and military engagement are inextricably linked.

The international community’s commitment in Afghanistan is undoubtedly a tough one. It places great demands on all of us, and it must be taken into the next phase as soon as the new Afghan government is in office. Our objective must be to develop a strategy to transfer responsibility, which we want to do early next year at a joint UN conference. We will be successful if, as we have done up to now, we continue travel this road together in the Alliance, every step of the way. Germany is ready to shoulder that responsibility.

There is no doubt that NATO is and will continue to be the crucial corner-stone of our collective defense. Its Security Concept is being constantly developed and adapted to new challenges. Its foundation and clear compass for peace and freedom will, however, remain unchanged.

It is my firm belief that we Europeans can contribute even more in the future. For we Europeans are currently working towards giving our European Union a new contractual basis. The final signature has just been added. This will make the EU stronger and more capable of action, and thus make it a strong and reliable partner for the United States.

On this basis we can build stable partnerships with others, first and foremost with Russia, China and India. This is because our world is freer and more networked than ever. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the revolution in information and communication technology, the rise of China, India and other countries to become dynamic economies – all this has made the 21st century world a different place from the world we knew in the 20th century. That’s a good thing, because freedom is the very essence of our economy and society. Without freedom the human mind is prevented from unleashing its creative force.

But what is also clear is that this freedom does not stand alone. It is freedom in responsibility and freedom to exercise responsibility. For that reason the world needs order. The near-collapse of the international financial markets showed what happens when there is no such order.

If there is one lesson the world has learned from last year’s financial crisis, it is that there is no alternative to a global framework for a globalized economy. Without universally-binding rules for transparency and supervision there can be no greater freedom but rather we risk the abuse of freedom and thus instability. In a way this is a second wall that has to fall: A wall standing in the way of a truly global economic order, a wall of regional and exclusively national thinking.

The key to cooperation between the major industrialized countries and emerging economies lies in the G20.Here again cooperation between America and Europe is a crucial corner-stone. It is a cooperation that is not exclusive but rather inclusive.

The G20 has shown that it can take action. We need to resist the pressure of those who almost led the nations of this world into the abyss. That means no more and no less than that international economic policy must become more sustainable. This crisis was also an expression of too much short-term thinking. Millions of people all over the world might lose their jobs or even suffer poverty and starvation because of this. To achieve prosperity and justice we must do all we can to prevent such a crisis in the future.

That also means not giving in to the temptation of protectionism. This is why the WTO Doha negotiations are so important. The success of the Doha Round would send a valuable message of the openness of the world economy, particularly in the current crisis.

Equally, the Transatlantic Economic Council can also fulfill an important task. We can use it to prevent competing subsidies and give incentives to reduce trade barriers between Europe and America. I appeal to you: Let us jointly work towards a world economic order which is in the interests of both America and Europe!

Ladies and gentlemen,

the fact that global challenges can only be met by comprehensive international cooperation is also shown by a third great challenge of the 21st century, by a wall, so to speak, separating the present from the future. That wall prevents us from seeing the needs of future generations, it prevents us from taking the measures urgently needed to protect the very basis of our life and climate.

We can already see where this wasteful attitude towards our future leads: In the Arctic icebergs are melting, in Africa people are becoming refugees due to environmental damage, and global sea levels are rising. I am pleased that you in your work together with President Obama attach such significance to protecting our climate. For we all know: We have no time to lose! We need an agreement at the climate conference in Copenhagen in December. We have to agree on one objective – global warming must not exceed two degrees Celsius.

To achieve this we need the readiness of all nations to assume internationally binding obligations. We cannot afford failure with regard to achieving the climate protection objectives scientists tell us are crucial. That would not only be irresponsible from an ecological point of view, but would also be technologically short-sighted, for the development of new technologies in the energy sector offers major opportunities for growth and jobs in the future.

No doubt about it – in December the world will look to us, to Europe and America. It is true that there can be no agreement without China and India accepting obligations, but I am convinced that if we in Europe and America show that we are ready to accept binding obligations, we will also be able to persuade China and India to join in. And then, in Copenhagen, we will be able to tear down the wall between the present and the future – in the interests of our children and grandchildren and of sustainable development worldwide.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I am convinced that, just as we found the strength in the 20th century to tear down a wall made of barbed wire and concrete, today we have the strength to overcome the walls of the 21st century, walls in our minds, walls of short-sighted self-interest, walls between the present and the future.

女士们先生们，
我坚信，正如我们在20世纪找到力量推倒一座铁丝网和水泥的墙，今天我们也有力量克服21世纪的各种墙，在我们心底的各种墙，短视自私的墙，现在与未来的各种墙。

Ladies and gentlemen, my confidence is inspired by a very special sound – that of the Freedom Bell in the Schöneberg Town Hall in Berlin. Since 1950 a copy of the original American Liberty Bell has hung there. A gift from American citizens, it is a symbol of the promise of freedom, a promise that has been fulfilled. On October 3, 1990 the Freedom Bell rang to mark the reunification of Germany, the greatest moment of joy for the German people. On September 13, 2001, two days after 9/11, it tolled again, to mark America’s darkest hour.

女士们先生们，我的信心受到一个非常特被别的声音的鼓励 —- 在柏林Schöneberg市政厅的自由钟的声音。从1950年起，美国自由钟的复制品就一直挂在那里，那是一个美国公民的礼物，是自由承诺的象征，一个已经实现的承诺。1990å¹´10 月3日，自由钟敲响，纪念德国重新统一，那是德国人民欢乐的最伟大的时刻。2001å¹´9 月13日，911后的两天，它又响起，纪念美国最暗淡的日子。

The Freedom Bell in Berlin is, like the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia, a symbol which reminds us that freedom does not come about of itself. It must be struggled for and then defended anew every day of our lives. In this endeavor Germany and Europe will also in future remain strong and dependable partners for America. That I promise you.

Thank you very much.

柏林自由钟，如同费城的自由钟，是提醒我们自由不会自己到来的标志。自由必须由斗争而来，自由必须保护，更新我们生命的每一天。德国和欧洲在这努力过程里，在未来保持与美国的强大而可靠的伙伴关系。 我这样承诺。
非常感谢诸位。

中国社会各阶层分析

毛泽东

[…]

小资产阶级。如自耕农⑺，手工业主，小知识阶层——学生界、中小学教员、小员司、小事务员、小律师，小商人等都属于这一类。这一个阶级，在人数上，在阶级性上，都值得大大注意。自耕农和手工业主所经营的，都是小生产的经济。这个小资产阶级内的各阶层虽然同处在小资产阶级经济地位，但有三个不同的部分。第一部分是有余钱剩米的，即用其体力或脑力劳动所得，除自给外，每年有余剩。这种人发财观念极重，对赵公元帅礼拜最勤，虽不妄想发大财，却总想爬上中产阶级地位。他们看见那些受人尊敬的小财东，往往垂着一尺长的涎水。这种人胆子小，他们怕官，也有点怕革命。因为他们的经济地位和中产阶级颇接近，故对于中产阶级的宣传颇相信，对于革命取怀疑的态度。这一部分人在小资产阶级中占少数，是小资产阶级的右翼。第二部分是在经济上大体上可以自给的。这一部分人比较第一部分人大不相同，他们也想发财，但是赵公元帅⑻总不让他们发财，而且因为近年以来帝国主义、军阀、封建地主、买办大资产阶级的压迫和剥削，他们感觉现在的世界已经不是从前的世界。他们觉得现在如果只使用和从前相等的劳动，就会不能维持生活。必须增加劳动时间，每天起早散晚，对于职业加倍注意，方能维持生活。他们有点骂人了，骂洋人叫“洋鬼子”，骂军阀叫“抢钱司令”，骂土豪劣绅叫“为富不仁”。对于反帝国主义反军阀的运动，仅怀疑其未必成功（理由是：洋人和军阀的来头那么大），不肯贸然参加，取了中立的态度，但是绝不反对革命。这一部分人数甚多，大概占小资产阶级的一半。第三部分是生活下降的。这一部分人好些大概原先是所谓殷实人家，渐渐变得仅仅可以保住，渐渐变得生活下降了。他们每逢年终结账一次，就吃惊一次，说：“咳，又亏了！”这种人因为他们过去过着好日子，后来逐年下降，负债渐多，渐次过着凄凉的日子，“瞻念前途，不寒而栗”。这种人在精神上感觉的痛苦很大，因为他们有一个从前和现在相反的比较。这种人在革命运动中颇要紧，是一个数量不小的群众，是小资产阶级的左翼。以上所说小资产阶级的三部分，对于革命的态度，在平时各不相同；但到战时，即到革命潮流高涨、可以看得见胜利的曙光时，不但小资产阶级的左派参加革命，中派亦可参加革命，即右派分子受了无产阶级和小资产阶级左派的革命大潮所裹挟，也只得附和着革命。我们从一九二五年的五卅运动⑼和各地农****动的经验看来，这个断定是不错的。

[…]

尊重事实，放弃一部分不对的言论。刚才看到了一段视频，其中有一段监控录像。从录像当中看，当时路口有车辆通行，也就是说肇事车也许没有闯红灯；另外和对面车辆（尤其是路另外一边的电动车）的速度对比来看，70km并不是不可信，也许有80左右，但是肯定没有网上说的100多那么夸张。而且据一位有稍长驾龄的朋友所言，70km也是一个致命的速度。在这件事情上将矛头对准交管部门是不应该的。

矛头应该对准的还是那几个嬉笑的纨绔子弟，但是这种谴责更多是道义上的，不是法律上的。而且对于这个事情，我们也改变不了什么。

关于媒体控制，也有人透露不让媒体报道是怕学生闹事。不过这个事情做得有点过了，网络堵不住，你越堵传统媒体，学生越容易受蛊惑，还好现在学生都还很克制，没有出来闹事。

不过这个事件本身，一边是本地富二代，一边是新移民，事故事实基本清楚，这个案子还是很能考验社会公信力的。就事论事，如果最后判交通肇事罪，那么也应该算是一个公平的结果。网民的愤怒和我的过激，执法部门公信力下降，信息披露不充分也是有一定的原因的。另一方面不承认不行，确实有仇富心理作怪。关于为何大家仇富，这是另外的话题了，不过大家都没钱，而且看到的都是垄断行业和掌权者在拿钱，财产来源不透明，又时常有些为富不仁的事情出来，想不让民众仇富都难。这个应该不能算仇富心理，没见到几个人仇马云仇丁磊，毕竟这些人是从无到有白手起家做起来的，和既得利益集团不一样，应该叫成仇暗心理。

上篇贴子回头看看是有些过激，而且升级到某个阶层的问题。上纲上线不是我的原意，罪过罪过。不过这件事还我还是要关注的，毕竟从受害者那里，能看到很多与我相似的影子，我不能不把他的经历引以为戒。二如果真的肇事的这小子被网开一面，我还真是要跳出来讲两句话闹腾闹腾的。

不过，这个要等结果出来再说。

富家子弟飙车撞飞行人

通常我很少在blog上面谈论特定的社会事件，但是这件事情我决定破一个例。

关于这件事情的以及后续的来龙去脉请见网友们建立起来的纪念性网站70km.org。网站的名字来自事件发生之后，杭州市交通管理部门的新闻发布会上，交通管理部门判断该肇事车辆车速为70km/h。

之所以关注这件事情，是因为死者谭卓与我同属于一个社会阶层，而且年龄经历相仿。谭卓本人的经历应该是众多现在在大城市当中生活的大学生的缩影：出生在一个小县城，读书，上大学，毕业后在大城市找到一份工作，谈一份感情，经营一个小家；他们在大城市当中除了自己的知识、劳动和努力之外，没有家世背景、没有巨额资本、没有社会关系；支持他们生活在大城市的是梦想和未来，而他们唯一能够依靠的是法律。权且把这个阶层称为新移民，当然，我也是其中之一。而如果你经常看我的blog，有很大概率你也是其中之一。谭卓本人应该是替我们这个阶层的人死的，而他死后所受到的待遇，也可以认为是当权者对于我们这个阶层的人的待遇。这件事情如果得不到妥善处理，那么可以预见的是，未来当我，也许还有正在读这篇文章的你，明天如果遇到类似的事情，也会遇到相同的待遇。我能够理解为什么这件事情在浙江大学和网络上掀起了这样一股浪潮：对于浙江大学的学子来说，新移民很可能是他们将来所进入的阶层，而对于在网络上的大量年轻人来说，这就是他们所处在得阶层。也同样希望个位看客理解本人对于此事件的态度，我是直接利益相关者。

对于这个事情的处理期望，我希望得到的是一个公正的裁断，最基本的，按照事实来的裁断。如果这个事情得不到妥善的处理，意味着新移民这个阶层唯一所能依靠的法律也已经不可依赖。人死不能复生，这个案子也够不上杀人偿命，根据法律规定，这是一起交通肇事罪，还不能算是之后“有其他特别恶劣情节”，因此我期望结果结果至少是肇事者对死者家人进行死亡赔偿，肇事者本人3年以下有期徒刑，吊销驾驶执照。网络上所谓的“杀人偿命”，有过度的倾向，我是不支持的。[update]本人不是法律界人士，因此判断有误差，根据法律界人士给出的论断，此案作为危害公共安全比较合适。因此，本人的期望相应提高。[/update]

这件事情当中最应该让我们一直跟踪的有两件事情。一是杭州市行政部门在事情发生之后要求媒体不得进行后续报道；二是杭州市交通管理部门在该事件的诉讼过程当中出示的肇事车辆的肇事事实，尤其是70km这个事情。对于第一件事情，我们应该要求详细原因的披露。对于第二件事情，如果交管部门仍然坚持70km，应该提出伪证调查；如果没有坚持70km，应该给出可以信赖的、关于为什么当时鉴定出了70km这样结果给出一个解释。[update]尊重事实，放弃一部分不对的言论。刚才看到了一段视频，其中有一段监控录像。从录像当中看，当时路口有车辆通行，也就是说肇事车也许没有闯红灯；另外和对面车辆（尤其是路另外一边的电动车）的速度对比来看，70km并不是不可信，也许有80左右，但是肯定没有网上说的100多那么夸张。而且据一位有稍长驾龄的朋友所言，70km也是一个致命的速度。在这件事情上将矛头对准交管部门是不应该的。[/update]

杭州市行政和交管部门应当对于他们所进行的调查和为事情所作的论断负责。因为这个事情将会直接影响行政和执法部门对于新移民这个阶层的态度。作为这个阶层的一份子，作为直接利益相关者，我不得不支持各种为我们这个阶层争取利益的行为。

[update]关于本文的反思，请参见下篇文章 《上篇帖子有些过激》[/update]

—
作为一个现实生活中的人，鉴于最近众多的事件，为了我个人的安危，我必须澄清一些事情。首先，本文针对特定事件按照我所看到的描述和本人的判断表述个人言论，我有表达这个言论的权利，依据是中华人民共和国宪法当中关于言论自由的条款；其次，本文仅针对特定社会事件，不针对任何特定的人，本人所描述的事情均可在可信媒体上找到出处，并非谣言或诽谤；最后，作为中华人民共和国的公民，我遵从中华人民共和国和我所居住的地方的法律法规，但我不是杭州居民，我不需要遵从杭州对于互联网的管理法规。